David Autor and Co. popularised the phrase China Shock with their 2016 paper documenting the loss of over 2 million jobs in concentrated pockets of America due to factory closures arising from cheap Chinese imports. This recent article nicely captures the China Shock in the US.
While I have not come across similar rigorous studies, it’s fair to argue that an even bigger shock is happening in many developing countries. And with the Trump tariffs and the displacement of Chinese merchandise from the US market, this shock is likely to get amplified.
The heavily subsidised and cheap Chinese exports threaten developing countries like India at two levels. One, they destroy domestic manufacturing bases and economies through factory closures and job losses. Two, Chinese firms outcompete their counterparts from export markets.
I have blogged here and here documenting the world economy’s China problem, and especially how it impacts the developing countries. This post is in continuation of those earlier posts.
A recent article in Bloomberg pointed to the ‘China Shock’ on emerging economies that compete with China. Sample this about Indonesia
Southeast Asia’s biggest economy lost roughly a quarter-million jobs in the textiles and apparel industry over the last two years, according to the Indonesia Fiber and Filament Yarn Producer Association, which has estimated another half-million are at risk in 2025—effectively wiping out one of four jobs in the sector in a matter of years. That pace is considerably faster than the “China Shock” that claimed as many as 2.4 million US jobs from 1999 to 2011.
This shock is being felt across developing countries.
This trend appears to have been hastened by the Trump tariffs initiated in 2018.
China explains the import surge across developing countries since 2018.
Or take the example of renewable energy equipment exports from China.
In 2022, for instance, China sent roughly 65 percent of its wind turbine exports to high-income countries, according to BloombergNEF. By 2024, however, it was sending more than 60 percent to low- and middle-income countries. Beijing has laid out plans to build factories that assemble solar panels in Nigeria and electric vehicles in Indonesia.
At the aggregate level, this trend is inevitable given the large and widening difference between China’s shares of domestic manufacturing and domestic consumption in the world economy.
After the bursting of the 2020 property bubble, in its search for an economic growth engine, China doubled down on manufacturing and exports. Exports took off vertiginously, and its trade surplus nearly tripled to touch $1 trillion in 2024. Since the country has managed to retain its global export share and significantly increase its share of global manufacturing value addition (tripled in 2005-20) despite a significant drop in the share of exports to the US, the displaced exports have found their way to developing countries.
Interestingly, even as China’s manufacturing share has rocketed, its share of global consumption has lagged far behind despite a spurt in the 2005-15 period.
This wedge between consumption and production has widened and is a good measure of the excess capacity accumulated.
The short story is that China suppresses domestic wages, and thereby demand, and maintains manufacturing excess capacity far above its domestic demand (and therefore explicitly aimed at export markets). Worsening matters, this excess capacity is also supported by economy-wide subsidies that distort not only world trade but also the global economy itself. This excess capacity is a massive negative shock to the world economy. In this context, it’s foolish for countries like India to eschew any kind of export-targeted subsidies in their Production-linked Incentive (PLI) or other schemes for fear of violating their WTO obligations.
With the economy weakening, the achievement of President Xi’s ambitious 5% growth target for 2025 is impossible without increasing exports. This has now come to a head with the astronomical Trump tariffs, raising questions about even sustaining existing exports. For all the brave talk about “fight till the end”, it cannot be denied that at more than $500 bn of exports (it’s probably an underestimate given the re-routing via Hong Kong, etc.), the US is not only the largest export market but more than three times the second largest market, Japan. The Chinese economy will be seriously hurt without finding alternative outlets (either to re-route to the US or as destination markets) for a significant share of these exports.
But with the US government closely scrutinising trends on imports and deficits with its trade partners, re-routing and increasing exports generally will be a challenge. Further, the only large markets that can absorb a part of this are Europe, East Asia, India, Brazil, and Mexico. In all these countries, their own tariff and non-tariff walls are coming up to keep out Chinese exports. The European Commission President von der Leyen has already warned that the EU would be watching any re-routing of displaced exports. These trends will only increase with time.
Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum this month said her country would review tariffs on Chinese shipments, linking growing violence in places such as central Guanajuato state to large-scale job losses in its shoe and textile industries… Sheinbaum said on March 6. Mexico has already raised tariffs on textile and apparel imports from China to as much as 35%... Sanan Angubolkul, the head of Thailand’s Chamber of Commerce, warned this month that the situation is “very critical, and there’s no time to waste” as the nation deals with a surge of electrical appliances, clothing and other Chinese goods. The country last year extended a 7% value-added tax on imported goods below $50 to mitigate the impact of Chinese e-tailer Temu, owned by PDD Holdings Inc. Malaysia added a 10% sales tax on online purchases of low-value goods last year, while Indian authorities have taken a range of measures, including anti-dumping probes on items as diverse as Chinese solar cells, aluminum foil and mobile phone components. Vietnam’s government, meanwhile, ordered Temu and Shein Group Ltd. to suspend operations in the country last year, citing incomplete business and tax registration paperwork.
This pushback from its trade partners is also reflected in record numbers of trade disputes against China at the WTO. There were 198 trade investigation cases against China in 2024, double its tally in 2023 and nearly half of all disputes lodged last year at WTO. This comes on top of 21 investigations launched by the European Commission on Chinese products, compared to nine in 2023.
More than half of the trade cases against China last year were initiated by developing countries, indicating that western countries’ objections to Chinese overproduction were widely shared. The data showed 117 cases were initiated by emerging economies, including 37 from India, 19 by Brazil and nine from Turkey. The flood of low-cost output from China has even unnerved some of Beijing’s closest partners. Russia recently imposed “recycling fees” to impede booming Chinese car imports, which have taken up almost two-thirds of the local market in the wake of western sanctions on Moscow. Pakistan, to which China is the largest sovereign donor, opened five trade cases in 2024 focused on rising imports of printing paper, self-adhesive tape and chemical products.
To summarise, we have a few clear pointers on the China shock and its consequences. The US shaped the existing global trade order, built around the WTO. This trade order has had one mega beneficiary, China, and a few smaller beneficiaries, especially in the developing world. This has allowed China to pursue a beggar-thy-neighbour trade policy at a staggering scale, whose costs in terms of factory closures and job losses are now becoming evident across the world. The backlash has culminated in the Trump tariffs that have brought an end to this era of globalisation. Similar walls of protectionism are springing up across the world.
Even in the best-case scenario, the age of ultra-low tariffs and the use of exports to drive sustained high growth is over. It’s hard to look beyond a world of curtailed globalisation and increased reliance on domestic markets to drive high growth rates. It's also fair to argue that those countries who are more dependent on trade to drive growth will be more adversely impacted by these trends. In any case, the entrenched consumption-production imbalance will be unsettled one way or another.