Data annotation work is increasingly moving up the value chain, from tagging and labelling data to replicating the work of semi-skilled (on the factory floor) and skilled (consultants, analysts, lawyers, engineers, and doctors) workers.
Startups sell data to AI labs, which use it to train and refine their AI algorithms and develop software products/solutions that replicate the work of these workers. In other words, the semi-skilled and skilled workers, or at least some among them, are feeding their time and skills into the AI algorithms that seek to replace them and their kind. Both the training startups and those workers offering their services to them are basically helping make themselves redundant.
On this, the FT has a very good film about how Indian startups are paying factory floor workers and gig workers (and even people in their homes doing regular household chores) to use cameras and record their work. Data annotation is becoming the new BPO for India’s IT industry.
The Ken has an article that raises the possibility that for all the attention and hype around robotics, Indian startups might remain stuck at the lowest end of the robotics value chain - data collection.
India was the back office for the IT boom. It became the annotation and reinforcement-learning labour pool for the generative AI boom. It is now emerging as the behavioural data factory for the physical AI boom... Building the robot is only half the problem. Building the intelligence behind it is much harder. That requires data. Vast amounts of it. Unlike large language models, which were trained on the equivalent of hundreds of years of human reading scraped from the internet, robotics companies are working with barely a fraction of that in video... What they need is meticulous, first-person recordings of humans interacting with the physical world, carefully collected, annotated, and painstakingly structured.So the industry turned to India. Across the country, workers are recording themselves doing everyday chores for data-collection firms, which then sell that footage to companies such as Tesla, Figure AI, and Agility Robotics to train their humanoids. Indian startups see this as a moment to claim a seat in the global AI value chain. The country has over 260 robotics startups, and investors are beginning to pay attention... The footage being recorded by Indian workers becomes proprietary once it leaves the country. The datasets assembled from it are accumulating on foreign servers. The foundation models trained on them are owned by foreign companies.
The NYT has an article about how startups like Handshake, Mercor, and Surge in the US are paying skilled workers to collect data on their work.
Mercor and a handful of similar start-ups are the primary middlemen in a supply chain of “human data” that may power the next generation of A.I. As OpenAI, Anthropic and other major ventures compete to become the industry’s dominant platform, the market for premium data that has been vetted by experts is exploding…They need mathematicians to annotate proofs, lawyers to mark up briefs and professors to grade essays… To use the parlance of the industry, data labeling has moved up the “value chain,” and the start-ups that offer this service have become some of the fastest growing in Silicon Valley… The data-training start-ups see a lucrative opportunity in recreating workplaces in miniature: controlled environments in which their gig workers can evaluate and reproduce emails, memos and slide presentations in context. The information emerging from such a setup, the companies boast, will help shrink the gap between what A.I. models can accomplish and what office workers actually do from one minute to the next, as ideas and instructions flow between meetings, documents and applications…
To keep improving their models — to make them more useful, more sophisticated, less prone to hallucination and mistakes — A.I. companies heavily refine what goes into them. That’s post-training, and it includes buying data from vendors like Handshake and its competitors… Deeptune, a start-up that makes “training environments” with simulations of the software programs, like Slack and Salesforce, that many workers toggle between all day long to get their work done. The idea is to painstakingly create a mirror image of, say, an investment bank so that A.I. can observe every interaction…
It may turn out that once OpenAI, Anthropic and others have taught their models to perform a certain job, their need for more training data in that area could sharply decline. In this way, Mercor, Scale, Handshake and their peers are much like the elite freelancers they employ: making money today, but in danger of being dropped tomorrow… People sign up for data-training gigs for a variety of reasons. The main one is, of course, money… Though the labor is unpredictable and rates vary… the workers who cobble together enough shifts can generate meaningful income. People might sign up because they have been laid off, or because they can’t find enough work in their field. They might do it because they’re eager to get “A.I.” on their résumé, or because they need extra cash in retirement… Many people who contract for these companies understand that this is a short-term opportunity, a brief chance to train the models to automate jobs before they themselves are automated out of the job of training models.
I asked Claude to generate a visualisation of this market landscape, including an assessment of the Indian landscape. The numbers are clearly estimates and must be validated (though at a ballpark they appear alright).
The unit economics of the data chain shown below for a garment worker in India is instructive. She gets roughly ₹400 a day to wear the camera (or $0.60 per hour); the startup pays the factory ₹450–500 per hour; US-based startups like Human Archive price data at $1–10 per hour; and once annotated and packaged, it sells to global robotics labs at $15–50 per hour. That is a 25–85 times markup, and every rung above the worker is owned outside India.
The graphic also shows that the vast majority of AI workers are doing the BPO equivalent, whereas the vast majority of funding is going to those building the data centres. India has 170-odd AI startups that have raised $2.6 billion in total and over 260 robotics startups, but the genuine model/product builders are a tiny set, and the majority have rebranded annotation as an AI line of business (iMerit, Objectways, Awign, Karya, Deccan AI, Human Archive, Egolab, Neo Cambrian, Humyn Labs, RoBoEra, etc.).
It must also be highlighted that in the majority of cases in India, the data goes from the garment worker to an Indian data aggregator to a robot-brain lab in San Francisco, and comes back as a robot/humanoid. The frontier LLM labs are not in that loop. This also means that none of the emerging governance conversations about frontier models - safety frameworks, export controls, model-access negotiations - touches the mainstream data collection work being done in India. India is negotiating hard for access to frontier language models while simultaneously handing over, for ₹400 a day, the training substrate for the physical models that will actually displace its manufacturing workforce. Those are two different conversations, and only one of them is being had.
Further, as the Times article highlights, while these annotation startups are flourishing now, they may not be sustainable ventures. Once experts teach the models to do something, their services are no longer needed in the same way, and the vendors themselves need the models to keep improving to show they add value, while needing them to remain imperfect so clients keep coming back.
I asked Claude for historical precedents and got this:
Frederick Winslow Taylor’s explicit programme, from the 1890s, was for management to “gather in all of the great mass of traditional knowledge which in the past has been in the heads of the workmen.” Skilled machinists were stopwatched; the Gilbreths filmed them with chronocyclegraphs — a literal 1910s head-camera. Workers cooperated because they were paid piece-rate bonuses to do so. The tacit craft was decomposed into instruction cards and handed to cheaper, unskilled labour. Outcome: enormous productivity gains, the collapse of the craft wage premium, a machinists’ revolt, congressional hearings in 1911–12, and Taylorism banned in US government arsenals by 1915. It took roughly fifty years and the postwar labour accord before the gains were broadly shared…
In the 1990s American hospitals routed physician dictations to transcriptionists in Bengaluru and Chennai; it was unglamorous work, but India was good at it. That corpus is precisely what trained speech recognition. The industry peaked and then largely evaporated. Compensation to the transcriptionists: zero… most startups in this space risk meeting the same fate as the transcription companies of the 1990s.
In this context, I am reminded of the claim made by Daron Acemoglu and Simon Johnson in their book Power and Progress that the trajectory of technological progress is a political choice made by society and should not be left to corporations and technocrats. Their central claim is that the direction of technology is a social choice, not a technical destiny, and that redirecting it requires countervailing power rather than better-intentioned technocrats.
The problem, though, is that globally, and especially due to the Trump 2.0 regime, the rule makers have surrendered agenda-setting to Big Tech and AI Labs. Closer home, India has almost no leverage over the direction of frontier AI. Instead, its leverage is confined to the terms on which its labour and data enter the supply chain, and not to bending the technology’s arc.
In the circumstances, what can a country like India do?
Here are some thoughts for consideration. One, a statutory floor rate for training-data contribution and an industry-led collective licensing body for data work are both administratively feasible and could increase value capture (from the worker’s current share of 1-2% of the value created) without banning anything. A comparator is the model of SoundExchange (US) or PRS (UK) in the music industry, which acts as a government-designated clearinghouse that collectively licenses music, collects usage fees, and distributes royalties to creators, effectively removing the burden of individual licensing. This model would also subtly frame the market in terms of treating data as labour, and not as mere raw material.
Second, on the regulatory side, it may be useful to revisit the DPDP Act provision that permits employers to process worker data without explicit consent under “employment purposes”. Instead, there should be purpose limitation, or restrictions on repurposing training data for other activities, and consent requirements of all involved.
Third, public spending on AI innovation and procurement preference could be made conditional on the recipient retaining licensing rights to datasets collected from Indian workers rather than doing work-for-hire. This would frame the collection of data as an input and not a product, and industrial policy could price it appropriately. Fourth, there is the argument about extending statutory instruments like the gig worker welfare boards or the Code on Social Security present in some states (Rajasthan, Karnataka, etc.) to cover data work. It could help build countervailing power.
But pursuing these agendas can be costly. This being a global market, prohibiting or putting too onerous terms on value capture and the entry of data into the supply chain will backfire by moving the work to Vietnam, Ethiopia, or the Philippines. Besides, for the Indian workers, already facing an acute scarcity of jobs, the choice isn’t really on offer, and ₹400 a day is ₹400 a day. There is a collective action problem here which calls for multilateral engagement through a forum like the ILO.
But this should not mean that we sit back helplessly and allow the market dynamics to play out. Instead, before enacting any of them, there must be a public debate on the merits or otherwise of these proposed measures. What are their respective costs, and what can be done to mitigate them? What versions, if any, of these measures should be enacted? Such debates are essential to make informed and collective social and political choices.
The public debate is important since the agenda-setting process here, like with any technology change, pushes certain considerations to the forefront while also marginalising certain others. Almost always, the former represents the interests of the corporations and elite beneficiaries of the change, and the latter represents those of the vulnerable and voiceless. Therefore, such agenda-setting debates are a purely political activity, with profound social implications.
It is also important since there is the distinct likelihood that India could spend the next five years as the world’s back office for the third time, and when the juice has been sucked out and value captured, there could be nothing left standing that India owns.
PS: In this context of collective action problems, it is worth taking inspiration from one very impressive and encouraging breakout (which has not received the level of attention it deserves) from South Korea. It is a tribute to the maturity and wisdom of the country’s corporate and political system and the robustness of its democracy that Samsung and SK Hynix agreed to share 10% of their windfall profits from memory chip sales, with no ceiling on payouts, with their employees for the next ten years. Sample this.
Samsung Electronics... agreed last month for employees to share the chipmaker’s blockbuster profits from an AI-led boom... SK Hynix... handed employees a similar profit-sharing deal last year... Samsung is also going to give Won500mn loans at low rates to employees... Samsung and SK Hynix together control much of the market for the advanced memory chips used in AI servers. Employees at both companies are in line for average annual bonus payouts of Won600mn, which compares with a national average salary of about Won50mn... district of Hwaseong... expected to gain corporate income tax receipts of Won1tn to Won1.3tn from Samsung alone this year, an extraordinary sum for a city authority whose annual budget is about Won3.5tn.

















