Weekend reading links

1. China's effect on solar power in a graphic.

At the turn of the millennium, solar panels cost $5-$6 per watt of generation capacity. Today, they sell for around 12 cents per watt, a level described as “offensively cheap” by Dave Jones, co-founder of think-tank Ember. That reduction is entirely the result of an explosion in China’s production capacity, which, according to research firm Wood Mackenzie, stands at roughly 1.36 terawatts, even as Beijing tries to rein in output to combat price deflation.

And rooftop solar generation is causing a loss of good customers across utilities, triggering a 'utility death spiral'. 

Shoprite, Africa’s biggest supermarket group, says the company could “power an entire suburb” with the panels it has been installing on its roofs and trucks in South Africa and Namibia since 2015. But what has been good for Shoprite, which now has around 43MW of peak capacity at its disposal and is looking at battery storage, constitutes a problem for state power utility Eskom. It estimates that rooftop solar panels and batteries, mostly installed by businesses and wealthier customers in response to years of rolling blackouts, were responsible for around 7 per cent of the 11.7 terawatt-hour reduction in its electricity sales for the year ending March, compounding a sharp fall in industrial use exacerbated by high prices. 

The lower revenues come as Eskom needs to fund the upkeep of the grid, which allows households to export electricity during the day, and the power stations that fill the generation gap when it’s dark or cloudy, or when power stored in batteries is insufficient to meet demand. “Everyone who has rooftop solar in any major city, they are still connected to the grid,” says its chief executive, Dan Marokane. “Three weeks ago . . . the whole country had to rely on Eskom generation for three days,” he adds, due to prolonged cloudy weather slashing output from rooftop panels... In Australia, operators of the high-voltage transmission system have grappled with too little demand as consumers draw power from their rooftop panels rather than the grid. Very low demand can make it harder to run certain power plants needed to keep the whole system stable.

2. AI is transforming warfare, and the Russia-Ukraine war is the testing ground for these technologies. 

AI technology has changed how the war in Ukraine is fought. At the start of the conflict it could take 20 minutes to identify a target and launch a strike. Now that process can take less than two minutes, sometimes just seconds... When militaries talk about AI, they are not talking about a single system. They are referring to software being used at different stages of warfare — collecting and processing data, helping commanders identify and prioritise targets and allowing drones to keep operating when communications are jammed. AI-enabled software can process “mass data at a scale, a speed that human staff officers can’t do”, says Anthony King, professor of war studies and director of the University of Exeter’s Strategy and Security Institute. Rather than altering the sharp end of a conflict, King says the primary function of AI has been to improve “situational awareness and intelligence”. The technology can help commanders make battlefield predictions, from the sustainability of a campaign to the rate at which munitions are being depleted.

3. What are the fiscal costs of immigrants?

The UK's comparatively low rates of tax and social insurance contributions for low-paid workers plus a relatively flat state pension mean that people (immigrant or otherwise) who do small amounts of paid work or remain on low incomes contribute little to the exchequer but still benefit from robust state support. In Germany or France’s fiscal systems, someone with the same weak employment and earnings patterns would generate much larger receipts from tax and social insurance due to the flatter tax regime, and would receive a comparatively smaller pension since these are linked more tightly to lifetime earnings.

The result is that in order to be a net fiscal contributor over their lifetime, the average couple arriving in the UK at age 30 needs the primary earner to have a salary at the 55th percentile of the overall earnings distribution, compared to the 45th in France and 28th in Germany. This is according to a new working paper on the fiscal impacts of immigration in different European countries by Usama Polani, a researcher at the Stanford Institute for Economic and Policy Research. Put another way, for immigration to be financially beneficial to the state, the UK needs to attract migrants with much higher pay and rates of employment than its peers.

4. The government seeks to restructure the governance of the storied Indian Statistical Institute (ISI). 

The ISI Bill 2026 seeks to repeal the earlier ISI Act 1959, changing the institute’s status from a registered society to a body corporate. This would replace its 1,800-plus-member general body and 33-member board with an 11-member board, with seven members aligned with the government and four representing ISI... The new board will be leaner by a factor of three: the President of India will be the visitor and will appoint the chairperson as well as four experts of her choice, joined by two representatives from Mospi. The four remaining members will come from ISI... The academic council, which discusses general syllabi, the number of students to be admitted, and new courses, has so far comprised all ISI professors, representatives from all constituencies, and the director as chairperson. The new bill changes that. Under it, the academic council is reduced to a small body, mostly made up of government representatives. The dean of studies is not a part of this council in the proposed bill.

5. Oil prices over the last fifty years.

Oil production is also less concentrated in the Middle East. The US is now the world’s largest producer, ensuring it will not have a supply shortage, and Canada, Brazil, Guyana, Venezuela have all increased production during the Iran crisis. More importantly, a barrel of oil matters less to the global economy than it used to. Oil’s share of global energy demand has fallen below 30 per cent from a peak of 46 per cent half a century ago. At the same time, the amount of energy needed to produce a unit of GDP has fallen by more than a third since 1990. Ben May, head of global macroeconomic research at Oxford Economics, says the inflationary impact of the Iran war has been dulled because “we went into the crisis with favourable oil supply” at a time when overall economic demand was “steady rather than spectacular”. When the war began, by contrast with the 1970s energy shock, the world had strategic reserves, an oil glut and growing supplies of liquefied natural gas, and a sophisticated trading system in which thousands of tankers criss-crossed the globe.

6.  NYT has this investigation of how online gambling giant DraftKings is using algorithms to target gamblers who are likely to lose the most.

So in 2023, DraftKings took customer betting records and built a machine learning model, a form of artificial intelligence that seeks patterns in data, to answer the question: Who was more likely to respond to promotions by gambling — and losing — more?... DraftKings makes money when gamblers lose money. And the model sought to identify those it could get to lose the most. It scored each customer based on their habits: The higher the score, the more money a gambler was likely to lose for each promotion offered... DraftKings has continued to hone its methods, using data science, to target losing gamblers with promotions that encourage more betting, according to six former employees who worked on them. 

At the same time, four other former employees said, DraftKings has stalled or squashed efforts to use similar technology to predict who might develop a gambling problem based on their betting activity... documents show how the model... analyzed dozens of data points for each gambler, including how frequently they played, their daily account balances and how much they typically lost compared with how much they bet. It also incorporated another model that calculated how likely a user was to stop gambling. This betting data may also contain signs that a person is headed for trouble. Yet when employees developed a machine learning model that would have assigned users “risk scores,” the company sidelined it, according to two former employees who worked on that project...

Promotions, which take on forms like a free bet, a “profit boost” or a deposit bonus, play a vital role in DraftKings’s business: The company brought in around $8.7 billion in gross revenue from sports and casino gamblers last year, and gave out about $3 billion in promotions, according to research by Citizens Bank... they were effective because they take advantage of gamblers’ psychology. “I feel I’m getting free money,” he said, “but really it’s dragging me back in.” Several gamblers told The Times that promotions fueled their addictions....

In 2018, when the Supreme Court ruled that states could legalize online sports gambling, it ushered in a new era in which betting has moved beyond casinos and racetracks. Professional sports games are now saturated with celebrity advertisements, encouraging people to wager on their phones. DraftKings and its rival FanDuel dominate this new industry, which has expanded into online casino games and, more recently, prediction markets. DraftKings says it has 11 million customers, compared with five million in 2022.... Silicon Valley firms spent years analyzing every digital interaction to predict what will keep users clicking on advertisements. Now, as companies like DraftKings have made gambling accessible to millions on smartphones, they too have collected an extraordinary wealth of data.

7. The imposition of the 0.4 per cent MDR fee on UPI transactions of more than Rs 2000 has generated intense debate. Janak Raj has a very good article. 

8. Some facts about the SpaceX business model assumptions.

Analysts have the company delivering revenues of over $650 billion, with an operating profit of over $335 billion by 2031. The company itself is projecting revenues of $1 trillion by 2030 (that is 25 per cent of India’s current gross domestic product). The models have the company generating no free cash flow through 2031, with capex of over $1.76 trillion from 2026 to 2031. Total annual capital expenditure for listed Nifty500 companies in India is about $100 billion. Such is the scale and ambition of SpaceX.

9. The cost differential between imported and domestically manufactured solar cells is significant, and assumes importance in light of the restrictions on the use of imported cells for grid-scale solar plants.  

The ALMM List-II mandate requiring domestically manufactured cells for utility-scale projects from 1 June 2026 tightened cell supply and lifted prices... The shift to domestic sourcing can sharply increase costs for projects that were originally bid on the assumption that imported cells would be used... Sudharman Ezhil, director and CEO of Natrinai Ventures (NGE Green Energy), said the cost difference between a domestic-cell plant and a non-DCR plant is currently at least ₹70 lakh to ₹1.2 crore per MW. "On a 50 MW project, that is ₹35–60 crore that was not in anyone's bid model," Ezhil said. According to him, projects bid before mid-2025 assumed imported cells at ₹14–15 per watt. The same module using a domestic cell now costs ₹24–25 per watt, he said. "That alone moves the total project cost by 15–20%," Ezhil said. He said the issue is not limited to cost. "Cell manufacturing is far more complex than module assembly, process control, wafer quality, yield, and India's listed cell capacity is a fraction of its module capacity," he said. Developers are therefore dealing with both higher procurement costs and uncertainty over the long-term performance of newly listed domestic cell lines. Projects awarded at tariffs of around ₹2.50–2.60 per unit were bid when costs were lower. Once a power purchase agreement is signed, developers have limited ability to pass on higher project costs through the agreed tariff... The domestic content requirement (DCR) premium alone could increase utility-scale tariffs by ₹0.25–0.40 per unit, even before the cost of storage is included.

Are we saying another round of defaults, restructurings, and consolidation in the solar industry? 

10. China ramps up gold imports in efforts to diversify its reserves.

China has spent a record sum importing more than 1,000 tonnes of gold this year as the central bank and local investors pour cash into bullion amid rising geopolitical tensions abroad and poor returns on local assets. The world’s second-largest economy spent $158.8bn on gold in the first eight months of the year. That compared with spending of $96.5bn for all of 2025 on 886 tonnes of gold... Chinese investors are increasing gold purchases as part of broader efforts to diversify their assets. Chinese holdings of US Treasuries fell to $618bn in July — the lowest level since August 2008...  

Domestic investment options in China are more limited since the country’s property market began collapsing in 2021. The benchmark CSI 300 index is down 1.8 per cent for the year and is still more than a fifth below its peak in early 2021. Meanwhile, yields on Chinese government bonds are close to record lows.

11. The yen carry trade, which has been an important driver of cross-border capital flows and a major buyer of US Treasuries, apart from contributing to keeping down the value of the yen, may be reversing after nearly three decades. 

The yen carry trade is the term for when hedge funds and others use Japan’s currency to access low-cost financing to make bets in markets across the world. For almost 30 years, investors have borrowed the cheap, stable yen in order to fund higher-yielding investments elsewhere, exploiting differences in interest rates and, in particular, the fact that until this month the central bank benchmark rate had not risen above 1 per cent since 1995. But every so often, those differences threaten to shrink, or the value of the yen shifts with unexpected speed. Investors exit carry trades and dump the acquired assets — fuelling spectacular spasms in global markets from emerging economy debt and Nasdaq stocks to cryptocurrencies and luxury property. For this reason, the health of the global economy is deeply connected to the state of the yen, making the carry trade a proxy — albeit an opaque one — for risk...

Even though its true size is extremely hard to gauge, the current value of the carry trade may far exceed $2tn, making it probably the biggest it has ever been, the world’s regulators heard from the experts in Tokyo. The concern that the cheap yen may be anchoring US Treasuries and may have helped inflate a bubble in AI-related shares, they added, leads the list of worries. Many strategists now say that one of the top risks for the year is the danger that the carry trade unwinds... In previous reckonings of the carry trade, the overseas investments of Japanese companies were rarely considered... According to data from Citi, the total outstanding Japanese stock of foreign direct investment, incorporating equity capital, reinvested earnings and debt capital, reached ¥384tn in 2025, meaning it has increased from 20 per cent of GDP in 2014 to more than half today. Citi estimates that non-financial corporations in Japan now hold more overseas assets than banks, pension funds and insurance companies...

For years, the speculative carry trade and the enormous underlying outflow of corporate Japan’s investment created downward pressure on the yen. Now, analysts are wrestling with the prospect of that being reversed - even if many believe that Japanese households and companies are too conservative to move with speed. The mere fear of such an outcome could start a carry trade unwind in motion as investors rethink how safe their current positions really are... A sharp carry-trade reversal, or a massive but gradual repatriation of Japanese capital taking advantage of decades-high yields on domestic bonds, could prove extremely painful to Bessent and other finance ministers across the world. During its era of rock-bottom yields at home, Japan has been a reliable source of demand to absorb record levels of rich-world sovereign borrowing.

12. Anthropic's spectacular pre-IPO valuation run up.

Founded in 2021, the creator of Claude hadn’t even produced a dollar in revenue until 2023. By August, it was making around $65bn on an annualised basis, although such unofficial numbers should be treated with kid gloves. This growth seems to have come as a surprise to Amodei too. Only 18 months ago, Anthropic expected its revenue in 2027 to be just $12bn. Now, some investors predict a revenue run-rate of $320bn by the end of next year. They are not impartial, of course. But if they are right, then $2tn would represent a valuation of just seven times its 2028 sales. That’s a little less than Microsoft, according to LSEG. SpaceX, meanwhile, trades at 16 times that year’s revenue. Take that as the benchmark — they are both companies with wild aspirations and charismatic leaders — and Anthropic could in future be worth $5tn.

13. Big Tech guarantees are surging and risks spinning out of control. Morgan Stanley analysts estimate $3.1 trillion in guarantees issued by the seven hyperscalers and chipmakers.

Big Tech companies are rapidly expanding their use of guarantees to back debt for AI data centres and chips, issuing up to $300bn in commitments in less than a year while recording little of that exposure on their balance sheets... These arrangements, under which tech companies guarantee a minimum future value for chips or data centres, join a growing set of creative financing structures embraced by Big Tech to accelerate the AI infrastructure boom... They typically backstop debt that is issued not by the tech companies themselves but by special-purpose vehicles that own the infrastructure, allowing the tech groups to lend their financial strength to the deals without needing to fully book the liabilities. The rise of guarantees adds a layer of exposure if Big Tech’s multitrillion-dollar bet on AI does not pay off because of disappointing usage, an oversupply of computing power or the failure to build sustainable business models around the technology... Their introduction to AI financing has unlocked cheaper financing for projects with these guarantees, which typically price at just a 100 to 150 basis-point premium to the guarantor’s own debt... Because the guarantor only covers the gap between the sale price and the guaranteed value, residual value guarantees “get more efficient balance-sheet treatment than a typical payment guarantee.”

Public policy for domestic semiconductor design and components in general

India is spending scarce fiscal resources to support domestic semiconductor chip design startups. These startups and their innovations are most likely to remain stranded unless this support is supplemented with a market access strategy. This is the binding constraint to their scale-up. 

I have articulated this in multiple posts on this blog. This provides a policy framework for public funding of innovation; this looks specifically at catalysing the chip design market; this describes how large domestic corporate groups can be roped into catalysing domestic manufacturing; and this provides a template for the most promising opportunity in smart meter manufacturing. However, given its importance, I think the issue merits one more post. 

India now has a stable of chip design companies, including the nearly 25 startups that were funded under the Design Linked Incentive (DLI) scheme. They have designed chips of various kinds, and at least some are at stages of deployment, if not commercial scaling. 

True, they still need to get their tapeouts to be of good enough quality, build internal capabilities to be ready with version updates, and generally ensure that the chip fabrication and supply chain are standardised and de-risked. While the chip design startups must work on getting these right, this work also requires the visibility of a scaling pathway. 

But such deployment and scaling require Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs). But unfortunately, India’s domestic OEM landscape in electronics is barren. And foreign OEMs will not risk disrupting their well-entrenched chip supply chains by experimenting with an Indian chip design firm. There are too many uncertainties associated with such supplier shifts. We therefore have a demand-side binding constraint on the scaling of chip design startups.

So the only option to enable scaling is to create the conditions for OEMs to adopt these chips. There are two strategies in this regard. One is to mandate the use of domestically designed chips, at least some share of it, in those products sold in India. The other strategy is to incentivise the same with some industrial policy support.

I have articulated such a policy in detail here. It is a combination of both strategies. It involves mandating a progressively increasing share of the chips used in their products to be domestically designed, and supporting such product manufacturing with a Production-linked incentive (PLI). 

This approach is easier to adopt effectively in products that are B2G or B2B in nature. Smart meters for electricity consumers, set-top boxes and fixed wireless access devices, surveillance cameras, drones purchased by defence agencies, etc., are examples. The relative simplicity of B2G and B2B markets can be leveraged to formulate market-shaping policies. 

This strategy would be useful for the indigenisation of other components and sub-assemblies too, ranging from compressors to transceivers. Mandate and incentivise the use of a progressively increasing share of components from domestic firms. 

This would emulate the Chinese playbook through which they have come to develop a vast ecosystem of domestic component manufacturers and OEMs. The Chinese smartphone OEMs like Huawei, Xiaomi, Oppo, and Vivo were instrumental in the emergence of domestic chip design firms. India will have to develop both the OEMs and component makers. 

This would require a high level of state capabilities in both designing the policy and calibrating and closely monitoring its implementation. But more critically, it would require a very high degree of inter-departmental coordination among the departments and ministries in the Union government. For example, smart meters would involve collective ownership and close coordination across the Ministries of IT, Power, and Finance, and financing agencies like REC and PFC. This would require a genuine breakdown of silos within the government.

Separating infrastructure construction and O&M, and mitigating the risks

This post revisits a contentious strategy in infrastructure finance: separating the contracting of construction and operation phases (as against life-cycle contracting). 

This blog has long held the view that, given the inherent time and cost overrun risks associated with the construction phase, which cannot be borne by private investors, and the much lower cost of public finance, infrastructure assets should be created with public financing. Once the construction risk is shed, the asset should be transferred to private operators through long-term concessions to fund their operation and maintenance (O&M). 

As early as 2013, we had advocated this two-stage strategy in a co-authored oped: 

In the first stage,a professionally managed special purpose vehicle (SPV) could be established to construct the project using short-term bank loans or through takeout financing by a consortium of banks. This may require the government to provide some form of guarantee or credit enhancement. Once the construction risk is offloaded,short-term loans can be swapped for long-tenor debt. Private participation can be introduced either through long-term concession grants to operate the entire project or parts or it,or by outsourcing certain services. Another strategy would be to capitalise the assets by taking the SPV public.

Let the state bear construction risk cheaply, then sell the de-risked operating asset to patient capital. In other words, use public finance to create infrastructure assets, and then fund their lifecycle using private capital. 

But it can be argued that this creates two problems. One, public financing comes with the risk of compromising on the design and quality of construction. Second, this risk is worsened if construction and O&M are separated. 

Clearly, we have a financing dilemma. The most appropriate risk allocation and lower cost of public finance trade off against the problems arising from the separation of construction and O&M. 

How do we reconcile the dilemma?

If there is one constant that infrastructure construction globally teaches us, it is that cost and time overruns happen over and over again, and are therefore unavoidable. Given the uncertainties involved, most often beyond the control of contractors, it is unfair that this risk be borne by them. Only the contracting agency of government can bear this risk. Further, it is unavoidable that financiers will hedge for those risks and price the capital accordingly, saddling the asset with prohibitive life-cycle costs. It is also virtually impossible to write contracts with such risk allocations that absolve the construction contractors. 

In the circumstances, the only option left is to assume the construction delay risks on the public balance sheet and finance the asset from the budget, and then monetise the asset. 

So if we make a conscious choice for public finance, how to mitigate the risks? How do we reconcile the apparently conflicting requirements of using public finance to construct infrastructure assets and ensuring life cycle quality?

This is a contractual matter, albeit one that is challenging but not insurmountable. The construction contract between the state and the contractor must do the alignment work that ownership bundling would otherwise do. It should specify construction design and quality conditions, validated through independent technical audits at transfer, with financial penalties for any shortfall to be clawed back from performance guarantees. Further, instead of waiting till the end, an independent engineer, appointed jointly but reporting to the grantor, should have enforceable sign-off rights at key construction milestones before disbursements are released. Done carefully, this shifts the incentive problem from ownership to contract design, which is solvable with the right institutional capacity.

All this requires a state with strong enough technical capacity to write demanding output specifications, enforce defect liability, and audit asset condition through the operational period. The bundled PPPs are an admission that since the state is weak and therefore cannot do the above, it must outsource the incentive problem by making the private party bear the whole lifecycle, even with the higher funding cost. 

This fatalism is the wrong long-run equilibrium, also because bundled PPPs, as we have seen, are prone to renegotiations, which themselves require high state capability. Accepting that the state must always bundle to avoid quality risks locks in a model where public borrowing costs are foregone forever, because the state never builds the contract-writing and monitoring capabilities to hold separated delivery accountable.

The better path is to treat the separation as a governance and capacity challenge, invest in that capacity, and capture the financing advantage of public capital as a permanent feature of the model rather than conceding it to the private sector in perpetuity. 

This is the standard approach followed historically in countries like Germany, Japan, and Singapore. The canonical example is Germany’s Autobahn model, followed by the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI), where the federal government finances motorways cheaply through public borrowing, while construction is let to private contractors under demanding output specifications with long liability tails. It is just as applicable to many infrastructure segments, such as urban infrastructure.

Weekend reading links

1. A fascinating article by Ed Conway documents how a cod fish caught off the Scottish coast travels 30,000 nautical miles to Rotterdam, Shandong, China (for manual deboning and skinning), and back to the UK, where it is breaded and sold as fish fingers.

2. AI solves the Navier Stokes equation breakdown.

Scientists plug in numbers to the NS equations to derive accurate answers for the behaviour of moving fluids. But the NS equations can sometimes return apparent nonsense, predicting things like infinite velocity and zero volume (called a “singularity”)... Can it be proved that the NS mathematics don’t allow infinite velocity? Or alternatively, can it be proved that this can happen in some theoretical cases, weird as that may seem? Mathematicians refer to this possibility as a “breakdown” in the “existence and smoothness” of NS. .. NS is one of the seven famous Millennium Problems that were listed in 2000. The Clay Institute offers a prize of $1million for a proof that, one way or another, addresses four specific conditions for NS. 

On Tuesday, September 8, OpenAI announced that it had found a solution to the NS problem by using a new AI model after 88 hours of intense computation involving 10,000 AI agents and 17 hours of verification. The agents exchanged 3 million messages and used 130 billion output tokens, which amounts to costs of well over $10 million. OpenAI claims its AI resolved two out of the four statements in the proof demanded by the Millennium Prize and that, indeed, infinite velocity is theoretically possible under certain conditions.

3. Brilliant description of the Dauphin discount, applied when a founder-owner hands over the reins to his entitled but not similarly competent children. 

4. There may have been an inflation regime shift in the US in the last few years. Consumer prices overall have risen more than 30 percent since the beginning of 2019. That’s two and a half times as much as they went up from 2012 to 2019.

Prices have risen sharply across the board.

5. US inflation clearly owes to the Iran misadventure. 

6. Benn Steil has one more reason for the rising US bond yields. 

The interest rate demanded by investors to absorb this debt appears not to be a straight linear function of its growth. Instead, more debt seems to accelerate the rise in the rate demanded. The reason lies in who buys the debt. Nineteen years ago, 76 per cent of US Treasury bonds were held by price-insensitive investors, such as central banks, who bought them more or less reflexively according to their stable reserve-management policies. Today, they hold only 43 per cent. The majority is now held by price-sensitive investors, such as households and investment funds, which demand greater returns as government debt grows and inflation erodes their purchasing power...

The twin problems of surging Treasury supply and stagnant foreign official demand will be exacerbated further still if new Federal Reserve chair Kevin Warsh ploughs forward with his stated ambition of reducing the central bank’s security holdings. The last episode of Fed balance-sheet reduction saw the share of Treasuries held by price-sensitive investors soar by 17 percentage points over 2022 to 2025, while the so-called term premium — the extra compensation demanded by investors to hold long-term debt — rose by 1.1 percentage points. Given the continued increase in price-sensitive investor dominance, further Fed balance-sheet reduction could see yet sharper rises in the price of long-term US debt.

7. VC wealth multiplication.

Founders Fund, for example, turned a roughly $600mn investment in Musk’s rocket, satellite and AI group into a stake worth more than $50bn at the company’s initial public offering, according to PitchBook estimates.

8. More on the collateral benefits of Aliko Dangote's business activities (HT: Adam Tooze).

Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, wants his drivers, cooks and security guards to own a share of the continent’s largest refinery. At a signing ceremony in Lagos, Nigeria, on Monday, 7 September, Dangote Petroleum Refinery and Petrochemicals (DPRP) free establishment zone launched the formal process for what is expected to be Africa’s largest public share sale, aiming to raise ₦2.15trn ($1.4bn). The offer comprises 4.1 billion ordinary shares at ₦525 per share, with a minimum subscription of 10 shares. It opens on 14 September and closes on 13 October. “There is no segregation of who can own the share. We want every human being living on the continent to be part of this action,” says Dangote, president and chief executive of Dangote Industries Limited. “This is why we have called it the IPO for the people.” 

He said the offer, which opens on 14 September and closes on 13 October, is designed to allow “drivers, cooks, servers, our managers, everybody” to own a stake in the refinery. The IPO is targeting about 10 million retail investors, according to FirstCap Limited, one of the parties to the transaction. “This transaction is not just about the size of the offer; it’s about the significance and how it’s going to shape retail investment in Nigeria’s capital markets,” said Ukandu Ukandu, MD/CEO of FirstCap, describing the deal as digitally driven and built for mass participation. “Family members, security guards, drivers, colleagues, schoolmates, community members are all encouraged to participate.” Dangote described the raise as less of a financing exercise than a wealth-distribution one, calling the ₦2trn target “too small” and “a meagre amount” relative to the group’s needs. He said the proceeds are earmarked for the refinery’s expansion.

9. Tiruppur facts of the week.

Its knitwear exports rose from $3.3 billion in 2020-21 to $5.3 billion in 2024-25 (TEA, 2026). The cluster accounts for about 68 per cent of India’s knitwear exports and supports the livelihoods of more than a million workers, around 70 per cent of them being women. Within roughly 20 km, yarn, knitting, dyeing, printing, stitching, finishing, packaging and dispatch are woven into one production ecosystem. Nearly 20,000 units operate across different stages, from knitting, dyeing and printing to garmenting and ancillary activities. This is the ecosystem effect where firms specialise, workers specialise, and thousands of jobs are created around a common market.

10. India's affordable housing market facts.

The preference for midsize housing priced between ₹45 lakh and ₹90 lakh fell to 21 per cent in H1 2026, from as high as 35 per cent in H1 2021. Similarly, preference for housing priced below ₹45 lakh declined from 27 per cent in H1 2021 to 18 per cent in H1 2026. “This is also mirrored in supply, with affordable housing’s share of new launches across the top seven cities declining from 26 per cent in H1 2021 to just 8 per cent in H1 2026,” says Anuj Puri, chairman of Anarock.

11. KP Krishnan makes very important points while questioning the RBI's recent FCNR (B) scheme which attracted $136 billion.

The capital flow of $136 billion is brought in by providing currency hedging to commercial banks at no cost. A forward guarantee on the exchange rate creates a contingent liability for the state. If macroeconomic fundamentals guide the exchange rate to ₹110 per dollar in three years, the RBI will pay ₹15 per dollar. This is a cost of approximately ₹2 trillion... Such tricks have been done before. India Development Bonds 1991 raised an estimated 0.6 per cent of gross domestic product. Resurgent India Bonds of 1998 raised 1 per cent, and India Millennium Deposits 2000 raised 1.2 per cent of GDP. The 2013 FCNR(B) exercise raised 1.4 per cent of GDP. The 2026 FCNR(B) raised 3.5 per cent of GDP. The scale, the opacity, the complexity have gone up. ... The daily inflow and outflow across India’s borders is $11 billion. The global daily trading volume on the rupee is $140 billion. Throwing just $2 billion a day at the problem for 250 days will burn through $500 billion.

We should instead take one step back and ask the foundational question: All this drama is in return for what? Recent research by Hande et al. (2026, https://bit.ly/4dlXP5d) indicates that the natural annualised volatility of the USD/INR exchange rate, without intervention, is approximately 7.5 per cent a year. The apparatus of intervention generates a realised volatility of roughly 5 per cent a year. We suffer fiscal risk, distorted monetary policy, instability, and constraints on financial development, which impact the people through inferior economic growth. In return, we get a 2.5 percentage point reduction in currency volatility, which benefits a small set of business users.

12. This is a staggering statistic on IPOs 

Anthropic’s investors are expecting the company to reach a valuation of $2tn when it goes public in the coming weeks. Add in SpaceX, which began trading at $2tn after its IPO in June, and OpenAI, which is considering raising money privately at $1.2tn ahead of a public listing next year, and these companies alone could be worth well north of $5tn. Now compare that with the entire history of IPOs from 1980 to 2025. The 3,365 tech companies that went public in that period were worth a combined $4.1tn when they started trading, according to data compiled by Jay Ritter, emeritus professor at the University of Florida’s Warrington College of Business.

13. The return of conglomerates, but with overlapping national strategic goals.

In China, Huawei has gone from an empire with two business lines to a local champion with 70 per cent of sales at home in five divisions. Chinese car companies own their supply chains — BYD operates ships. To defuse sovereignty fears abroad, they are willing to forfeit control, using licensing and joint ventures. India’s Reliance and Tata have re-embraced nation building across industries, from cola to air defence. Even in America, Amazon and Alphabet have become conglomerates that own parts of their supply chains, such as chip design. SpaceX’s strategy is to be a techno-national champion with up to nine divisions, from asteroid mining to tourism. In the pursuit of state-endorsed AI, OpenAI has gone further than Amodei, offering Uncle Sam an equity stake. US pharmaceutical companies want new drugs invented in China, but geopolitics makes takeovers impossible. Instead, there is a surge in licensing. Bristol Myers Squibb and Pfizer have made bets worth up to $26bn. In Europe, some firms are diversifying to plug strategic holes. The parent of Lidl, a supermarket, does data centres. Renault is expanding into military drones. Governments are trying to dilute US tech companies’ control over their local subsidiaries.

14. Gig work platforms are a form of unemployment insurance, and are now running the risk of being disrupted by the likes of autonomous vehicles and robo-delivery agents. 

Gig platforms have indeed become a safety net for people who have fallen out of — or struggled to access — the formal labour market. A report by the World Bank in 2023 estimated there were between 154mn and 435mn online gig workers globally, representing between 4.4 and 12.5 per cent of the global labour force. Among the advantages of this development, according to the report’s authors, are that it “helps manage income shock” and “serves as unemployment insurance”.

China is perhaps the best example of a country in which gig work has served as a labour market shock absorber. Amid a prolonged construction downturn and the increasing automation of manufacturing work, the number of people who work as food delivery or ridesharing drivers in China increased by 10mn in two years to reach 53mn in 2025, according to estimates by the China New Employment Forms Research Center, a Beijing think-tank. 

15. A very good oped by Boddu Srujana raises the important point about what UPI has done for its users, especially those in the informal sector whose services are now captured in the formal net. She writes,

This system has made India’s informal workers extraordinarily visible to banks, lenders, the state and to the platforms that manage their labour, without making them correspondingly secure... A worker who has been absorbed into a real-time national payments system is traceable and taxable, still has no pension, no enforceable minimum earning, and no institutional means of bargaining... The JAM trinity — Jan Dhan, Aadhaar, mobile — was to deliver subsidies with less leakage. UPI extended that logic to everyday commerce by enabling a vegetable vendor not to worry about carrying cash, with payments settled in seconds rather than requiring a trip to a bank that takes hours. But this is not the same as securing income and financial inclusion. As operationalised in India, it has functioned as a substitute for the much harder political project of labour formalisation... 

A worker’s UPI trail has become the raw material for an entire private lending and “alternative credit scoring” industry, sitting atop a public rail, useful to someone who lacked collateral, but built with little meaningful consent. The same logic now governs platform work. UPI-enabled instant settlement is what allowed gig and delivery platforms to scale... it has done so by making these workers legally almost unclassifiable — employee or contractor — and by subjecting them to algorithmic discipline such as ratings and incentive structures, without any corresponding algorithmic right to contest a rating or know why an account was switched off.

16. Finally, some FDI facts about Indian states.

Nearly 82 per cent of all FDI equity inflows into India went to just six states or Union territories — Maharashtra, Delhi, Karnataka, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, and Andhra Pradesh (including Telangana) — from January 2000 to March 2026... Among sectors, services had the highest share at 16.37 per cent in gross FDI equity inflows from January 2000 to December 2025, followed by computer software and hardware (15.62 per cent) and trading (6.55 per cent). Financial services accounted for the largest share within the services sector.

And several questions about the value of EoDB and Business Reform Action Plan (BRAP) rankings in determining FDI flows. 

States such as Maharashtra, Delhi, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu fared poorly in the Ease of Doing Business (EoDB) rankings released by the government in different years over the past decade. For instance, Delhi and Tamil Nadu featured outside the top 10 in 2015, 2016, 2017 and 2019, while Maharashtra and Karnataka’s best performance in these four years was the eighth rank... On the other hand, states like Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Rajasthan and Telangana had relatively better rankings but considerably lower FDI inflows to boot... None of the top FDI receiving states was in the top two categories in the latest ranking of 2024. Experts say EoDB and BRAP rankings are not the prime reason behind FDI inflows. Instead inflows reflect states’ infrastructure, access to ports, prosperity and presence of industrial networks.

Disaggregating India’s savings and its risk capital challenge

Does India have a problem of risk capital deficiency? More specifically, is there a disproportionately greater bias towards public markets among India’s savers, especially among high-net-worth individuals (HNIs)? 

I blogged here, arguing that India suffers from a deficiency of risk capital to finance the formation and growth of small and medium enterprises (SMEs). After that, I received some pushback, pointing to the spate of SME IPOs in recent times. 

I had been thinking of digging up the numbers and seeing how they stack up. In this context, I came across this review of a book by Ameer Shahul that argues that private equity is damaging India’s health care. While I’m sympathetic to this argument, the point that is relevant to this post is the dominance of foreign investors in these PE deals. I had blogged hereabout PE in India’s hospitals. 

I used Claude to look deeper into India’s numbers on risk capital, how they compare with global peers, and what their trends have been. 

The headline story is that India does not lack risk capital, but it channels it into liquid public markets, leaving the control of market segments like essential-service assets, and the value created in the private phase, largely to foreign capital. 

The decomposition goes something like this. The Gross Domestic Savings (GDS), contributed by households, the private sector, and governments, gets distributed between physical (primarily land and gold) and financial (deposits, risk capital, and pension/insurance). Risk capital, in turn, gets further distributed between public (stocks and mutual funds) and private (alternative investments) markets. Business formation requires a deep pool of the risk capital flowing into private markets. 

So, let’s start with the GDS. Clearly, India is second only to China in domestic savings as a share of GDP, though given its fast growth ambitions, it must increase this share. The problem is that over 40% of household savings are invested in illiquid assets. 

More disturbingly, 54% of the financial savings go into deposits, and just 13% goes into any kind of risk capital investments. On the positive side, 33% goes into long-term investments like insurance and pensions. 

However, as a percentage of GDP, these numbers on financial savings pale in comparison to even its emerging market peers. Risk capital assets (public and private markets) make up just 10% of GDP. 

Interestingly, among corporates, financial investments and dividends and buybacks have been rising at the expense of capex, in both absolute and relative terms. 

Back to household savings. Within the basket going into securities, as the CRISIL/IVCA/360 ONE Unlocking Domestic Capital report informs, what goes into private markets, the genuine risk capital, is a tiny sliver. And this is a big problem. The envelope of capital available for business formation is truly small. 

Let us disaggregate the risk capital basket further. Whereas roughly ₹1.5–2.0 lakh crore a year flows to private markets through domestic LPs in AIFs, much of that is private credit, real estate, and Category-III (hedge funds, private-public hybrids) rather than genuine growth equity. So domestic public-equity inflows run at four to five times domestic private risk capital, and foreign investors still supply much more private risk capital (₹3.0 lakh crore) than Indians do. 

All this means that we have a very interesting situation where, while foreigners are net sellers of listed equity, they remain the dominant suppliers of private capital. In stark contrast, domestic money flows the other way.

Indian HNIs park around 15% of portfolios in alternatives, the same as global HNIs. The gap opens for the segment that actually anchors private markets, the ultra-UHNW investors and family offices who allocate 40–50% to alternatives, with private equity typically the single largest bucket. In contrast, Indian UHNIs hold more real estate and gold than global peers and route their alternatives into yield and public-linked structures. In other words, Indian private wealth under-supplies illiquid equity risk, not alternatives in general.

This scarcity of private risk capital makes India, with its very large foreign investor base, very attractive for foreign Global PE and sovereign funds put roughly $15.5bn into Indian healthcare over the past five years, with hospitals taking about 68% of it. For example, Blackstone holds around 80% of KIMS Kerala and 73% of Care Hospitals, and Temasek holds about 59% of Manipal. The domestic exceptions are the listed, promoter-anchored chains like Apollo and Medanta/Global Health. Much of the foreign PE inflows are actually SWF/pension capital. In education, it is the K-12 market that is attracting the attention of foreign PEs. 

Banking is a counter-example where heavy foreign capital and domestic control coexist perfectly well. This is also because a sectoral regulator caps ownership, screens holders, and enforces diffusion. 

India’s risk capital challenge starts with unlocking the roughly two-thirds of household savings that sit in real estate and gold, and further increasing the share that goes into risky capital investments, specifically private risk capital markets. 

So how have been the trends over time?

Encouragingly, the share of household financial savings going into public equity and mutual funds has grown from 15% to 23% over the 2019-25 period. Thanks to mutual funds and SIPs, the number of individuals investing in capital markets has risen nearly fivefold since 2020 to around 135 million. This has been a truly transformational change, a genuine big-bang success. 

For context, domestic institutions poured a record ₹8.5 lakh crore into equities in FY26, of which mutual funds supplied ₹6.4 lakh crore, while foreign portfolio investors were net sellers of ₹1.8 lakh crore. That domestic flow is driven by SIPs, which came at around ₹28,464 crore a month (or about ₹3.4 lakh crore a year) across 9.7 crore accounts. Further, in a reflection of the trend of exodus of foreign capital from the equity market, the domestic institutional ownership of NSE-listed stocks crossed foreign ownership in 2025 (roughly 17–19% versus FPIs’ 17–18%) for the first time. 

On the private capital side, for a long time, even for Indian GPs, the majority of capital raising came from foreign LPs. As an illustration, 85% of the funds raised in India’s largest PE fund came from foreign LPs. Large control buyouts remain predominantly foreign. However, encouragingly, Indian LPs have been stepping up. Foreign LPs’ share of AIF fundraising by Indian GPs has been declining, now contributing only about a third of the total capital raised. 

In the aggregate for all private capital raising too, Indian investors are stepping up. The CRISIL/IVCA/360 ONE Unlocking Domestic Capital report shows that domestic investors have now surpassed foreign investors in fundraising by Category I and II AIFs. The share of domestic investors as a percentage of gross funds raised across them has touched 52.7% by June 2025.

The good thing is that the domestic private pool, especially the AIF commitments, is growing fast. AIF commitments climbed from roughly ₹6.4 lakh crore (Mar 2022) to ₹8.3 (Mar 2023), ₹11.3 (Mar 2024), ₹13.5 (Mar 2025) and ₹16.94 lakh crore by March 2026, a near 30% CAGR, with Category II (PE/RE/credit) about three-quarters of it. 

The report also disaggregates the changes in the destinations of private capital investments over the 2020-25 period. Startup and growth capital are useful for business creation and growth, whereas buyout capital reflects confidence in acquiring established businesses. They come mainly from the AIF I and II universe. The growing shares of private investments in public equity (PIPE) (mainly by the family foundations of HNIs) and private credit are matters of concern. 

The graphic below consolidates everything into one figure. It is clear that domestic capital, whether retail, institutional, or HNI, overwhelmingly favours public markets over private capital markets. HNIs too favour liquid public equity, credit, and real estate. Even the ultra-HNIs tend to avoid illiquid growth equity.

One important channel for private risk capital is institutional investors. As we saw, at 26% of GDP, the share of household financial savings going into pensions and insurance funds is 2.5 times that going into all kinds of risk capital. 

But if we look at domestic private market flows, while the actual flows into growth equity is itself small, the share coming from institutional investors is tiny. Of the domestic capital going into private markets (AIFs), roughly 70% is individual (HNIs, UHNIs and family offices) and only about 30% is institutional, and even that institutional slice is mostly corporate treasuries and government seed funds, not the long-horizon pools that anchor private markets abroad. In this too, India stands as the mirror image of every mature market. 

As an illustration, EPFO, the country’s largest retirement fund with about ₹24.8 lakh crore of assets, has nothing invested in AIFs, despite being permitted up to 5% of incremental flows. The same is the case with NPS, with about ₹14.4 lakh crore. Whereas life insurers are allowed up to 3% and general insurers up to 5%, less than 1% of their limit has been invested. It is estimated that LIC alone could put in ₹1.3 lakh crore if it used its full headroom. The institutional share comes mainly from government-backed funds-of-funds (SIDBI, SRI Fund, NIIF, NABARD, BIRAC and others), which have ₹24,293 crore committed. The pension–insurance–endowment complex that dominates private markets elsewhere is missing. 

Globally, institutional investors form the private-market LP base. In the US, university endowments like Yale invest roughly 30–40% in private equity and venture, and the US, Canadian, and Dutch pension funds and insurers are enormous private-market LPs. The CRISIL report says that US family offices allocate 54% to alternatives, US pension funds have gone from 9% to 14% in private equity over 2021-25, and OECD pension funds across 15 jurisdictions average about 22% in alternatives, up from 12% in 2001. In stark contrast, India’s own pension and insurance systems hold more than ₹110 lakh crore of assets, almost none of it in private markets. 

The likes of China and Israel closed exactly this gap by mobilising domestic pension and insurance capital to anchor their private ecosystems. 

Because the anchor institutions are absent, the domestic private pool is thin and individual-funded, which is exactly why even the largest Indian GPs still raise ~85% of their capital abroad. Building the institutional LP base and deepening the private capital pool requires institutional investors to shed their risk aversion and start utilising their permissible limit for alternatives. This should be followed up with gradual reforms to SEBI accredited-investor and co-investment regulations, and gradual loosening of PFRDA/IRDAI mandates.

Apart from the substantive requirement of such private risk capital to sustain the country’s high growth aspirations, the global geopolitical risks and the likelihood of capital wars make these aforesaid reforms imperative.