1. Niall Fergusson points to some interesting divergence between the elites and the working class.
To see the extent of the gulf that now separates the American nomenklaturafrom the workers and peasants, consider the findings of a Rasmussen poll from last September, which sought to distinguish the attitudes of the Ivy Leaguers from ordinary Americans. The poll defined the former as “those having a postgraduate degree, a household income of more than $150,000 annually, living in a zip code with more than 10,000 people per square mile,” and having attended “Ivy League schools or other elite private schools, including Northwestern, Duke, Stanford, and the University of Chicago.”Asked if they would favor “rationing of gas, meat, and electricity” to fight climate change, 89 percent of Ivy Leaguers said yes, as against 28 percent of regular people. Asked if they would personally pay $500 more in taxes and higher costs to fight climate change, 75 percent of the Ivy Leaguers said yes, versus 25 percent of everyone else. “Teachers should decide what students are taught, as opposed to parents” was a statement with which 71 percent of the Ivy Leaguers agreed, nearly double the share of average citizens. “Does the U.S. provide too much individual freedom?” More than half of Ivy Leaguers said yes; just 15 percent of ordinary mortals did. The elite were roughly twice as fond as everyone else of members of Congress, journalists, union leaders, and lawyers. Perhaps unsurprisingly, 88 percent of the Ivy Leaguers said their personal finances were improving, as opposed to one in five of the general population.
2. Interest payments take up a staggering 57% of central government revenues in Pakistan.
India's 28% is a matter of concern. Compare with Indonesia's 15%.
India's high public debt will appear fine as long as the economy grows by 7-8%. Once it slows down to 4-5%, the debt-to-GDP ratio will balloon, as also the interest payments as a share of revenue. Then we are set for the perfect storm.
3. The formal-informal sector wage gap in India is significant, in excess of 70%.
India's GDP per capital gain from globalisation has been less than one-third of that of China over the same period.
5. It's surprising how much of Blackstone's assets centre around real estate. The latest is data centres.
After its $10 billion takeover of data center operator QTS in 2021, the world’s largest private equity firm is fueling rapid growth at one of the top landlords for tech giants. It’s bankrolling the development of massive structures that will handle crucial computing needs, while also reshaping communities across America. It’s part of the classic Blackstone playbook for real estate, the largest piece of its $1 trillion empire. The firm identifies where there’s a rising need for properties but too few to meet demand. It then directs billions of investor dollars to build giant landlords poised to capture big rents and market share, a move it has deployed in everything from warehouses to suburban homes...
Blackstone now says QTS could be one of the best investments in its history. The company has parlayed its land reserves to profit on a short supply of space and power in key markets. QTS has $15 billion of properties in development, up from $1 billion at the time of its acquisition. It’s become North America’s largest provider of leased data center capacity based on megawatts under contract, after ranking No. 4 just three years ago, according to research firm datacenterHawk... Blackstone President Jon Gray, the firm’s former real estate chief and now heir apparent as CEO, has corralled the company into the thematic bets where demand is running up against constraints. He now sees AI making a data center shortage all the more acute — and said those with land and capital will be at an advantage.
6. Long read on how the RN moved from the far-right fringes to the mainstream right in France.
Long a fringe opposition party with little local presence, the RN has gradually stitched together a national network — initially helped by a dozen or so mayorships in small cities and towns like Hénin-Beaumont, Perpignan, and Fréjus... The effort was turbocharged in 2022 by an unprecedented election of 89 deputies to the National Assembly. With the MPs came money from the state funding system for political parties, a change for the usually cash-strapped RN, allowing them to hire more staffers. Le Pen then told her troops to fan out every weekend in their districts to attend local events to be what she called the “advocates of citizens” who often feel neglected amid the perceived retreat of public services, such as post offices or hospitals... Le Pen’s own election as the local constituency MP in 2017, her third attempt to enter the assembly. The following year, having lost the presidential election to Macron, she rebranded the Front National party to the Rassemblement National, aiming to make voters forget the racist and antisemitic excesses of her father and his contemporaries...
Such local presence has furthered Le Pen’s decade-long mission to “detoxify” the far-right movement co-founded in 1972 by her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, and Pierre Bousquet, a journalist and former soldier in the French unit of the Waffen-SS during the second world war. Kévin Pfeffer, RN party treasurer, says... “Officials like the prefect, deputy prefect, police chief, and head of the unemployment office — they wanted to meet us,” ... whereas before the RN was largely shunned by local bigwigs. Slowly RN support evolved to cover a wider swath of the electorate allowing them to rack up more votes: women, white-collar workers and older people. The RN vote has evolved from one previously made out of protest or anger to one of confidence in the party’s agenda and its leaders Le Pen and her 28-year-old lieutenant Jordan Bardella... Studies have shown that people back the RN for multiple reasons, some ideological and rational, and others that are more subjective, such as a sense that the French “way of life” is in danger or that they do not “feel at home” in France anymore.
7. Graphic that shows how solar generation has continuously kept exceeding expectations.
8. Important point about the problem of slow deposit growth rate in banks.
Banks, influenced by societal hype about the primacy of digital outreach, halted the expansion of brick-and-mortar branches. Many bank chief executives, who had their bonuses linked to margin growth and market cap increases, also went slow on branch expansion to lower costs and boost bottomlines. There is now a belated realization that physical branches play a critical role in customer acquisition and deposit growth. Many leading banks are now making amends by setting aside capital expenditure to aggressively expand their physical footprint, to go hand-in-hand with increased investments in direct marketing and digital outreach... Within the banking system, the nature of the deposit mix is changing and moving towards high-cost deposits. Banks have traditionally relied on cheaper current-account-savings-account (CASA) deposits as a source of perennial low-cost funds. However, RBI data shows that CASA’s share has been shrinking in the overall mix, which has been compensated by some growth in costlier term deposits. The resulting pressure on margins may have also impelled bank management to revive CASA’s share by focusing on branch networks.
9. China does not have a KGB or Stasi but still maintains the most effective surveillance state in history.
A more significant secret-police agency lurks within the Ministry of Public Security, China’s regular police service, Mr Pei writes. This force-within-a-force is known as the political-security protection unit (zhengbao for short). The total number of Chinese police officers is not made public, but is thought to be over 2m. Drawing on provincial, municipal and county yearbooks and publications, Mr Pei estimates that 3-5% of all police work for the zhengbao at the national and local level. That equates to 60,000-100,000 zhengbao officers, or one for every 14,000-23,000 citizens. They are complemented by the wenbao, a police unit that watches cultural and educational establishments, especially universities. Another elite outfit is the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, a party body. It runs surveillance operations and “stability-maintenance offices" tasked with smothering strikes and protests before they start. A powerful agency, it oversees security policy generally, and vets police and legal officials for political reliability...its surveillance state rests on other pillars that offer part-time but invaluable help. The first is rank-and-file officers in neighbourhood police stations. In Chinese propaganda, there is nothing sinister about such police. They are hometown heroes who battle crime and keep the public safe. But tracking political dissent or public discontent is their job, too... Police stations also watch millions more “key individuals", a group that includes rights activists, religious believers and people petitioning the government for legal redress. All of that involves a second pillar of the surveillance state: informants.
10. An Indian Express editorial makes the case for maintaining buffer stocks on important food grains.
Last year, in February-March, dairies were paying farmers Rs 37-38 per litre for cow milk. The same dairies have today slashed procurement prices to Rs 26-27 because of SMP realisations crashing to Rs 200-210 per kg, from their February-March 2023 peaks of Rs 315-320. These low prices, discouraging dairies from procuring and farmers from feeding their animals properly, could be a precursor to milk shortages and inflation next year.
But the editorial could not have been more wrong in its conclusion.
A buffer stocking policy in food items will also do away with the need for regressive anti-farmer measures such as banning exports or imposing stock limits on private traders and processors.
India sits on a rapidly growing pile of excess rice buffer stock that it's now desperately seeking to liquidate. This did not prevent the government from banning exports!
11. Interesting snippet about the thicket of regulations in India to get permission to sell fertiliser.
Registering a new fertiliser product takes an average of 804 days in India, according to the World Bank’s ‘Enabling the Business of Agriculture 2019’ report. This is against 570 days in Russia, 528 in Brazil, 356 in Pakistan, 270 in China, 225 in Canada, 210 in Argentina, 100 in Thailand, 90 in the US, 30 in Japan, and zero in the European Union countries. The sheer time taken — from the filing of application and field-testing at multiple locations for one or more cropping seasons, to the final notification under the Fertiliser Control Order as suitable for use by farmers and state-level approvals — hinders the introduction of new nutrient products into the country.
The article also suggests the liberalisation option
“The government should grant automatic registration for any new product meeting two requirements — a minimum content of total plant nutrients, and a maximum limit of heavy metals and other contaminants. This, along with mandatory label claims [open for testing by enforcement agencies], is what most advanced countries follow. They do not have agronomic or bio-efficacy trial requirements,” Sanjiv Kanwar, managing director, Yara Fertilisers India Pvt. Ltd, said. This procedure of automatic registration, subject to the product confirming to basic quality parameters and truthful labeling, is already being implemented in water-soluble fertilisers (WSF)... The specifications required WSFs to have a minimum 30% content of total nutrients — 25% primary (NPK), and the balance secondary (S, calcium, magnesium) and micro (zinc, boron, manganese, iron, copper, molybdenum) — and maximum prescribed limits for contaminants (lead, cadmium, arsenic, total chloride and sodium). Companies can market any WSF meeting these specifications (with legible labeling on bags/containers) after 30 days of intimating the relevant government authorities about “the details of the product and their intention to sell”.
12. Judicial activism in the US triggered by their ideological preference for deregulation.
In the US... late last month, six conservatives on the Supreme Court handed corporate America a scythe. The high court majority shredded a 40-year-old precedent known as the “Chevron deference” that required judges to defer to government experts when laws were ambiguous. They also ruled in a separate case that even long-settled rules can be challenged by new industry players. But CEOs should be careful what they wish for. Those decisions, known as Loper Bright and Corner Post, are already reverberating across the country. The justices sent nine cases about wetlands, renewable energy and a range of other regulations back to lower courts to be reconsidered. A federal judge in Texas said last week that plaintiffs seeking to invalidate a Biden administration ban on non-compete agreements were likely to win now that judges rather than agencies have the final word on regulations. Then on Tuesday, a federal appeals court asked how the Loper decision should affect the future of a different Biden rule that allows pension plans to use environmental, social and governance factors when choosing among investments with similar financial profiles. Environmentalists, and investor and consumer groups are despairing, while lawyers predict that US regulators will have to become more cautious about imposing new rules on everything from money managers to social media platforms and pharmaceutical groups. That is just the start. Hospitals, utilities and even gun rights advocates are already lining up to use the decisions as a club to beat back new rules and challenge existing ones. Some corporate law firms are putting together kill lists of regulations they want to attack.
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